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The Nature and Chemistry of Romantic Love

A woman holds her hands in the shape of a heart.

Humans have evolved three distinctly different brain systems for mating and reproduction: sex drive, romantic love, and attachment.

Published February 12, 2006

By Adelle Caravanos

You can’t sit still, you can’t sleep, you can’t eat, and the same few thoughts are obsessively repeating in your mind. You may have contracted a strange viral disease or a deadly bacterial infection.

Or, you may be in love.

According to anthropologist Helen Fisher, hyperactivity, insomnia, loss of appetite and obsessive thinking are all symptoms of romantic love. More and more, scientists are gaining an understanding of the biological and chemical mechanisms behind the euphoric feeling of being in love. Fisher, a visiting research professor at Rutgers University and former research associate at the American Museum of Natural History in New York, has written hundreds of articles and published four books on love and sex, including, most recently, Why We Love: The Nature and Chemistry of Romantic Love (Henry Holt, 2004).

A year ago, Fisher was approached by Match.com, an online dating community, to assist in the development of a new relationship website. Fisher, a past chairwoman of The New York Academy of Science’s anthropology section, accepted the role of chief scientific advisor to Chemistry.com, a new website that treats matchmaking as a science.

Love Maps for the Road of Life

Researching the project, Fisher completed questionnaires at various dating websites, and found that they had one thing in common. They all appeared to match by sociological similarities, such as educational level and religiosity, she says. But that’s only half the puzzle. The other half is chemical.

We build an unconscious list of characteristics that we’re looking for in a mate as we grow up — a love map, Fisher says. Fifty percent of your love map is based on social factors, according to Fisher; but the other half is biologically constructed. Meeting another person who fits into your love map can actually trigger your brain circuitry for romantic love.

To effectively match people, Fisher first needed to systematically categorize the objects of her matchmaking. Her 30 years of research into the brain and behavior led her to explore the chemical roots of personality — how much do hormonal levels affect character, and could the understanding of this chemistry predict a successful match?

A Match Made in Hormones

Specific personality traits correlate to increased hormonal activity in the brain, according to Fisher. For example, increased dopamine levels are linked to risk taking, spontaneity and optimism, while high serotonin activity correlates to loyalty, conscientiousness and calmness. A high level of estrogen (in males or females) is associated with imagination, verbal ability and idealism; and testosterone relates to rationality, inventiveness and directness.

Fisher developed four categories that she associated with the personality traits related to these hormones. High levels of dopamine produce the Explorer personality; serotonin yields the Builder; estrogen, the Negotiator; and testosterone, the Director. These four categories became part of the criteria for matchmaking on Chemistry.com.

Who Are You?

Fisher designed an interactive, online test to enable Chemistry.com customers to identify their own levels of each of the four hormones, and thus, the corresponding characteristics.

One question asks users to assess the size of their ring finger in relation to the index finger. According to Fisher, a longer ring finger is a clear sign that a person experienced a rush of testosterone in the womb, due to the amount of androgen, or male hormone, receptors in the fourth finger. This increased amount of testosterone indicates a Director personality.

Another question asks if a person has a tendency to count things around them. Fisher says that people who find themselves involuntarily counting, whether it be steps in a staircase or rosebuds on wallpaper, have been found to have higher levels of dopamine — Explorers.

And you just might be a Negotiator if you experience deja vu frequently. Fisher hypothesizes that the experience of feeling as if you are reliving a particular moment is related to high estrogen levels in the brain.

Nobody Loves You Better

Once your dominant personality is identified, how does Fisher suggest matching you?

Biologically speaking, she would generally match people with high levels of estrogen (Negotiators) with those who have increased levels of testosterone (Directors). In the same way, Fisher says, Explorers with elevated dopamine activity are well-matched with Builders who have increased serotonin activity. The two are balancing each other out, and the personalities not only fall in love, but stay in love, because they’re enough different from each other to remain mysterious and attractive, she says.

This sort of chemistry is backed up by evolution, Fisher says. It is adaptive to find a partner who is not exactly like you so you can create more genetic variety in your young, Fisher explains. We’re drawn to these other personality types for good Darwinian reasons.

She cites as an example the sweaty t-shirt experiment in which women asked to select from a number of worn men’s shirts chose those worn by men with immune systems that differed from their own. In theory, the mating of two individuals with very different immune systems will produce more viable offspring.

Similarly, Fisher notes that people are drawn to potential partners who have different, but complementary, dopamine, serotonin, estrogen and testosterone systems. This way, they can pool both their genetic and psychological resources to not only bear but also jointly raise healthy children.

Even if you don’t want to have children, says Fisher, we still have these ancient unconscious strategies for mating.

The Evolution of Love

Humans have evolved three distinctly different brain systems for mating and reproduction, according to Fisher — sex drive, romantic love, and attachment.

She believes that the sex drive evolved to motivate individuals to look at a whole range of partners. Romantic love — the obsessive fascination and elation associated with the early part of a relationship — developed to enable a person to focus mating energy on one partner at a time, thereby conserving time and energy.

Attachment, or the feeling of comfort and security that develops in long-term relationships, evolved to enable an individual to tolerate that person long enough to rear a child together, as a team, according to Fisher.

Fisher is not convinced that romantic love is evolutionarily designed to last forever. Once a couple was expecting a child, it would’ve been much more adaptive to move into the attachment phase, to raise children in a more calm, stable, rational state, Fisher says. Romantic love is not rational, it’s an enormous energy expenditure that is metabolically expensive. You’re walking all night, talking till dawn — we’d all die of sexual exhaustion, if romantic love lasted continually.

Till Death Do Us Part

Then does evolution dictate that romantic love always dies out?

Fisher cited the studies of Elaine Hatfield, who found that people in good, long-term relationships reported not only a deep sense of attachment to their partners, but also low-grade feelings of romantic love. This emotion comes back, at various times when a couple is on vacation, before or after they make love, even when one partner says something funny.

According to Fisher, there are two keys to making love last.

First, couples need to do new things together — novelty and variety has been shown to drive up the activity of dopamine and norepinephrine, both chemicals that are associated with feelings of romantic love. Go swimming after dark, go to a different restaurant for dinner, says Fisher. Even the smallest change of pace can reignite passion.

Second, and more obviously, according to Fisher, it’s important to pick the right person from the get-go. The chemistry between two people is what causes the feeling of romantic love in the first place, and helps to keep it percolating.

And if you’ve ever worried that overanalyzing the euphoria that your lover inspires will somehow diminish it, Fisher offers some reassurance.

You can know all the chemistry involved in a piece of chocolate cake, says Fisher, and still eat that cake and get that intense rush of joy. Similarly, you can learn all there is to know about love, she says, and still feel the madness.

Also read: Tapping into Ancient Urges for Food and Love?

A Picture is Worth a Thousand Clicks

A person works on a tablet.

Some artists use the Web to show their work; for others the Web is the art.

Published February 10, 2006

By Adelle Caravanos

If it’s true that art imitates life, then it’s only fitting that technology is increasingly at the center of the art world. After all, commenting on modern life without mentioning, for instance, the World Wide Web would be to ignore one of the current driving forces in Western culture.

Since the beginning days of the Internet, technologically savvy artists have used it as both a medium and subject for artistic commentary. Generally, Internet art includes websites, e-mail projects, Web-based or networked installations, online audio or video projects, and online performances art.

On Feb. 6, 2006, Electric Arts Intermix, a nonprofit organization in Chelsea, hosted Net Aesthetics 2.0, where invited artists and curators teased out the history and future of Internet-based art, and also questioned the relevance of art created with content from the Internet.

The panel featured Wolfgang Staehle, an artist and founder of the art bulletin board service Thing.net; Cory Arcangel, a computer artist and curator whose work has been shown at the Guggenheim Museum and MOMA; Michael Bell-Smith, whose work focuses on popular culture and how it is mediated through technology; Marisa Olson, a multimedia artist most recently commissioned by the Whitney Museum of American Art, and editor of the online art community site Rhizome.org; Michael Connor, Head of Exhibitions at the British Film Institute and former curator at FACT (Foundation for Art & Creative Technology); and Caitlin Jones, a curatorial and conservation research assistant at the Guggenheim. The evening was organized and moderated by Lauren Cornell, executive director of Rhizome.org.

A Brief History of Online Art

It was still the early days of the Internet, when only a thin, slow network of connected computers existed, when forward-thinking artists like jodi.org (a collective of two internet artists: Joan Heemskerk and Dirk Paesmans) began creating artwork that played with the basic structures of the mid-1990’s Web. In one of their better known projects, 1995’s http://wwwwwwwww.jodi.org/, appears to be meaningless text, until one sees that the HTML source code reveals the diagram of a hydrogen bomb.

Online art continued to develop, largely in part due to Internet communities like Thing.net and Rhizome.org, both begun in 1996. With the dot.com phenomenon of the late 1990s came a surge of interest in Internet art, and Web art projects such as Ada’Web and DocumentaX, as well as art collectives such as ØtherLands, and UNMOVIE docs.

Now, 10 years on, the Net Aesthetics 2.0 event was named in a reference to the term Web 2.0 — a loosely defined “rebirth” of the Internet, in which blogs replace personal websites, podcasts prevail over mp3s, and the online encyclopedia of choice is Wikipedia.org. The underlying theme of this new version of the Web is personalization of information, and the artists spoke to the ways the new Internet is affecting their work.

A Means to an End

Wolfgang Staehle’s Thing.net is a bulletin board service that connects online artists, allowing multiple users to interact with each other online — a forward-thinking idea, particularly because the website was started in 1996, long before online forums were commonplace.

In another of Staehle’s major projects — Empire 24/7 at Postmasters Gallery — images of the Empire State Building were streamed into the gallery via the Internet. The piece took on an even deeper meaning as it captured pictures of the city skyline during the events of 9/11.

Unlike some of the other artists on the panel, Staehle has not made the Internet the subject of his work. He acknowledges he is wary of being called an Internet artist. “The Internet is a means to my work,” he said. “It simply moves my data from A to B.”

Mother of Invention

Brooklyn based Cory Arcangel says his first forays into online art was motivated by necessity: “There weren’t too many exhibition opportunities for abstract computer art.”

Among Arcangel’s first projects was Super Mario Clouds, a changing image of pixelated clouds, lifted from the popular Nintendo video game. He also posted a website that detailed how he took apart the cartridge and rigged it to remove everything but the clouds. According to Arcangel, the point of the work wasn’t the work, but showing people how he did it.

As art appreciators took notice of his work online, Arcangel began getting invitations to show his projects in galleries. He collaborated with Eyebeam, a New York center for electronic arts, to create Pizza Party. The piece is actually a computer program that hacks into the Domino’s Pizza computer server, enabling a user to order pizza directly over the command line of their operating system. “You just pick different variables and input your preferences, address, quantities,” says Arcangel. According to the artist, 3,000 people downloaded it, and theoretically are still using the program. The point of the project? “To prove it is actually possible to send a guy running around the city with a few keystrokes,” Arcangel says.

A Space to Show Art

Arcangel’s other online work includes Doogle, a Google engine that searches for “Doogie Howser, M.D.” regardless of what keywords are entered; the Christopher Cross song “Sailing” translated into Arabic (“I love thinking that someone will search for it, in Arabic, and it’s the only one on the Internet!”); and Kurt Cobain’s suicide letter, complete with Google ads generated by the letter’s content.

Arcangel sees a difference between the Internet as a space to show art, as opposed to a gallery. “My work for the Internet has got to be a bit fey — it’s for people at work,” to enjoy at the moment. “Looking at work in a gallery, there’s a lot of art history involved,” says Arcangel, and he likes the fact that some of his work is readily available and accessible.

That being said, Arcangel acknowledges that the artist in him craves the gallery space, as well as the educated eyes that come to a gallery. “On the Internet, nobody knows that I’m an artist. And as soon as my work gets copied and pasted to another blog, I cease to become an ‘artist,'” he says.

Under the Internet Influence

Michael Bell-Smith is another New York-based artist whose work explores the relationship between American culture and popular technology. His digital images and videos use collages and juxtapositions to emphasize the strained relationship between people and machines.

Bell-Smith echoed Arcangel’s view of the gallery as a place for art to be considered “special,” and the Internet as a place for art to be treated less preciously — at home or work there’s nothing to stop you from flipping between views of “Doogle” and a celebrity gossip website.

Filtering Pop Culture

The work of California-based artist Marisa Olson could be described as post-Internet. She derives all of her artistic content from the Web, incorporating blogs, midis (audio files), and online images.

Olson has created multimedia projects using audio midis and images culled from the Internet, including musical scores that she remixes and inserts into collages.

Abe and Mo Sing the Blogs is one project in which Olson manipulates material she has found online. In it, Olson and her partner, the mohawked Abe Linkoln, sing words taken directly from blogs to classic blues tunes. Olson says the point is to compare blues as the “music of the people” to blogs, the new “voice of the people.”

In another recent project, American Idol Audition Training Blog Olson blogged continuously about her experience training for the reality television show. A self-confessed pop culture addict, she says the blog allowed her to comment on the media, at the same time as she was partaking in it.

Whether the Internet is used for transmitting art, displaying art, or making art, one thing all panelists agree on is that the genre evolves and changes at every moment, and that one single definition may never be clear.

Also read: Art and Science at the Academy

The Genius of Quantum Physicist Richard Feynman

A black and white photo of a man in a suit and tie, with math formals scribbled on the blackboard in the background.

Missives from Feynman in Perfectly Reasonable Deviations from the Beaten Track, a book of his letters edited by daughter Michelle Feynman, reveal his genius and wit. What was his contribution to the canon of 20th-century quantum physics?

Published February 3, 2006

By Chris H. Greene

Richard Feynman in 1959. Image via Wikimedia Commons.

“Science alone of all the subjects contains within itself the lesson of the danger of belief in the infallibility of the greatest teachers in the preceding generation … Learn from science that you must doubt the experts. As a matter of fact, I can also define science another way: Science is the belief in the ignorance of experts.”
— Richard Feynman, 1981

We all know the stories of Richard Feynman. He was at times a showman and a clown. He expressed irreverence toward prestigious, hoary organizations like the National Academy of Sciences and the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences. The tragic death of his young wife during the time of the Manhattan Project became familiar to millions through the touching Matthew Broderick film, Infinity. But behind his public persona lay one of the truly independent and innovative minds of the 20th century. Richard Feynman felt an intense, personal need to see physical phenomena in his own terms, and from his own perspectives, using theories that he generated himself.

At the same time, Feynman’s theoretical constructs did not arrive on the planet like a bolt from nowhere. His most important contributions were ideas that were in some sense already “in the wind,” but his way of developing them into consistent theoretical descriptions of nature differed dramatically from methods popular at the time.

Paradoxical Infinities

It may seem surprising, but the theoretical program that resulted in Feynman’s 1965 Nobel Prize (also awarded that year to Julian Schwinger and Sin-Itiro Tomonaga) was not aimed so much at explaining the result of any particular experiment, as it was an attempt to resolve some of the apparently self-contradictory aspects of both classical and quantum electrodynamics theory. If you shake an electron, it radiates light waves, whose electric fields must in turn act back on the electron to lower its energy. But attempts to calculate this “radiative reaction force” led to infinities which were paradoxical and in clear contradiction with experience.

In Feynman’s doctoral thesis work with John Wheeler at Princeton, the two entertained fantastic possibilities in a desperate attempt to solve these paradoxical infinities. One peculiar notion that emerged was that if, in a certain sense, the classical fields are allowed to propagate backward in time, the paradoxes and the infinities appeared to be magically removed.

A variant of this idea survived when Feynman wrote down his quantum mechanical formulation of this problem, which he credits to Wheeler for originally tossing out: that the positron, the antiparticle of an electron, can be regarded as an ordinary electron moving backward in time. Surely you’re joking, Mr. Feynman! As fantastic and unbelievable as this idea seems when stated in words, when formulated mathematically it was found that a consistent theoretical framework emerged, without the troubling infinities.

Moreover, Feynman created a simple way for these complicated calculations to be carried out, which is still used today: first, draw lines that represent electrons, positrons, and photons moving forward and backward in time in different ways that can contribute to the process of interest. Then apply Feynman’s rules for translating each such Feynman diagram into a precise mathematical formula.

Quantum Electrodynamics

One of the most famous applications of Feynman’s quantum electrodynamics was his calculation of a tiny frequency difference between two nearly identical energy levels (2S1/2 and 2P1/2) of the simplest atom, hydrogen. Willis Lamb and Robert C. Retherford had caused a stir in 1947 when they measured this frequency difference to be 1057 million cycles per second (MHz), because the then-accepted theory of Paul Dirac suggested that this difference should be identically zero. The methods for calculating this interaction between an atomic electron and the “vacuum-fluctuating electric fields of free space” gave infinity, a useless result entirely irrelevant to the experiment.

Using the Feynman calculus, however, a result very close to the experimental frequency splitting (the so-called “Lamb shift”) was obtained. In the intervening decades, both experiment and theory have improved, and we now know this Lamb shift experimentally to be 1057.8447 (plus or minus 0.0034) MHz, while theory based on Feynman’s work predicts 1057.839 (plus or minus 0.006) MHz.

Within experimental uncertainties, and within theoretical uncertainties associated with our imperfect understanding of the proton’s nuclear structure, these agree. Nature thus confirms the remarkable synthesis of theoretical ideas into working quantum electrodynamics, achieved by Feynman, as well as by Schwinger and by Tomonaga.

Advancing the World of Theoretical Physics

And what are we to take from these strange notions? Are positrons really just electrons moving backward in time? Feynman tended to dismiss such queries as having no more relevance to physics than debates about how many angels fit on the head of a pin. Here is one more example where the equations developed by theoretical physicists, after extensive testing, are the bottom line. Seemingly bizarre philosophical implications, when those equations are stated in words (such as “particles moving backward in time”), do not matter a whit. What matters from the physicist’s perspective is the explanatory and predictive power of the resulting theory.

In the end, Feynman’s work parallels eerily the way the “luminiferous aether” was abandoned as irrelevant, once physicists accepted around the beginning of the 20th century that Maxwell’s equations by themselves adequately describe all classical phenomena of electricity and magnetism. And it is similar to the way Einstein’s equations of relativity, and the peculiar quantum theory, were accepted despite their troubling, almost nonsensical implications for how we think about time, space, and reality. As Niels Bohr wrote and was quoted in Wheeler and Feynman’s 1945 Reviews of Modern Physics article:

We must, therefore, be prepared to find that further advance…will require a still more extensive renunciation of features which we are accustomed to demand of the space time mode of description.

The world of theoretical physics is better today because Richard Feynman was brave enough to contemplate and develop ideas that required such a renunciation.

Also read: The Challenge of Quantum Error Correction

Lee Smolin: A Crisis in Fundamental Physics

Various math equations written on a blackboard.

With an infinity of universes proposed, and more than 10400 theories, is experimental proof of physical laws still feasible?

Published January 1, 2006

By Lee Smolin

Image courtesy of WP_7824 via stock.adobe.com.

For more than two hundred years, we physicists have been on a wild ride. Our search for the most fundamental laws of nature has been rewarded by a continual stream of discoveries. Each decade back to 1800 saw one or more major additions to our knowledge about motion, the nature of matter, light and heat, space and time. In the 20th century, the pace accelerated dramatically.

Then, about 30 years ago, something changed. The last time there was a definitive advance in our knowledge of fundamental physics was the construction of the theory we call the standard model of particle physics in 1973. The last time a fundamental theory was proposed that has since gotten any support from experiment was a theory about the very early universe called inflation, which was proposed in 1981.

Since then, many ambitious theories have been invented and studied. Some of them have been ruled out by experiment. The rest have, so far, simply made no contact with experiment. During the same period, almost every experiment agreed with the predictions of the standard model. Those few that didn’t produced results so surprising—so unwanted—that baffled theorists are still unable to explain them.

The Gap Between Theory and Experiment

The growing gap between theory and experiment is not due to a lack of big open problems. Much of our work since the 1970s has been driven by two big questions: 1) Can we combine quantum theory and general relativity to make a quantum theory of gravity? and 2) Can we unify all the particles and forces, and so understand them in terms of a simple and completely general law? Other mysteries have deepened, such as the question of the nature of the mysterious dark energy and dark matter.

Traditionally, physics progressed by a continual interplay of theory and experiment. Theorists hypothesized ideas and principles, which were explored by stating them in precise mathematical language. This allowed predictions to be made, which experimentalists then test. Conversely, when there is a surprising new experimental finding, theorists attempt to model it in order to test the adequacy of the current theories.

There appears to be no precedent for a gap between theory and experiment lasting decades. It is something we theorists talk about often. Some see it as a temporary lull and look forward to new experiments now in preparation. Others speak of a new era in science in which mathematical consistency has replaced experiment as the final arbiter of a theory’s correctness. A growing number of theoretical physicists, myself among them, see the present situation as a crisis that requires us to reexamine the assumptions behind our so-far unsuccessful theories.

I should emphasize that this crisis involves only fundamental physics—that part of physics concerned with discovering the laws of nature. Most physicists are concerned not with this but with applying the laws we know to under standard control myriads of phenomena. Those are equally important endeavors, and progress in these domains is healthy.

Contending Theories

Since the 1970s, many theories of unification have been proposed and studied, going under fanciful names such as preon models, technicolor, supersymmetry, brane worlds, and, most popularly, string theory. Theories of quantum gravity include twistor theory, causal set models, dynamical triangulation models, and loop quantum gravity. One reason string theory is popular is that there is some evidence that it points to a quantum theory of gravity.

One source of the crisis is that many of these theories have many freely adjustable parameters. As a result, some theories make no predictions at all. But even in the cases where they make a prediction, it is not firm. If the predicted new particle or effect is not seen, theorists can keep the theory alive by changing the value of a parameter to make it harder to see in experiment.

The standard model of particle physics has about 20 freely adjustable parameters, whose values were set by experiment. Theorists have hoped that a deeper theory would provide explanations for the values the parameters are observed to take. There has been a naive, but almost universal, belief that the more different forces and particles are unified into a theory, the fewer freely adjustable parameters the theory will have.

Parameters

This is not the way things have turned out. There are theories that have fewer parameters than the standard model, such as technicolor and preon models. But it has not been easy to get them to agree with experiment. The most popular theories, such as supersymmetry, have many more free parameters—the simplest supersymmetric extension of the standard model has 105 additional free parameters. This means that the theory is unlikely to be definitively tested in upcoming experiments. Even if the theory is not true, many possible outcomes of the experiments could be made consistent with some choice of the parameters of the theory.

String theory comes in a countably infinite number of versions, most of which have many free parameters. String theorists speak no longer of a single theory, but of a vast “landscape1” of possible theories. Moreover, some cosmologists argue for an infinity of universes, each of which is governed by a different theory.

A tiny fraction of these theories may be roughly compatible with present observation, but this is still a vast number, estimated to be greater than 10400 theories. (Nevertheless, so far not a single version consistent with all experiments has been written down.) No matter what future experiments see, the results will be compatible with vast numbers of theories, making it unlikely that any experiment could either confirm or falsify string theory.

A New Definition of Science

This realization has brought the present crisis to a head. Steven Weinberg and Leonard Susskind have argued for a new definition of science in which a theory maybe believed without being subject to a definitive experiment whose result could kill it. Some theorists even tell us we are faced with a choice of giving up string theory—which is widely believed by theorists—or giving up our insistence that scientific theories must be testable. As Steven Weinberg writes in a recent essay: [2]

Most advances in the history of science have been marked by discoveries about nature, but at certain turning points we have made discoveries about science itself…Now we may be at a new turning point, a radical change in what we accept as a legitimate foundation for a physical theory…The larger the number of possible values of physical parameters provided by the string landscape, the more string theory legitimates anthropic reasoning as a new basis for physical theories: Any scientists who study nature must live in a part of the landscape where physical parameters take values suitable for the appearance of life and its evolution into scientists.

An Infinity of Theories

Among an infinity of theories and an infinity of universes, the only predictions we can make stem from the obvious fact that we must live in a universe hospitable to life. If this is true, we will not be able to subject our theories to experiments that might either falsify or count as confirmation of them. But, say some proponents of this view, if this is the way the world is, it’s just too bad for outmoded ways of doing science. Such a radical proposal by such justly honored scientists requires a considered response.

I believe we should not modify the basic methodological principles of science to save a particular theory—even a theory that the majority of several generations of very talented theorists have devoted their careers to studying. Science works because it is based on methods that allow well-trained people of good faith, who initially disagree, to come to consensus about what can be rationally deduced from publicly available evidence. One of the most fundamental principles of science has been that we only consider as possibly true those theories that are vulnerable to being shown false by doable experiments.

Contending Styles of Research

I think the problem is not string theory, per se. It goes deeper, to a whole methodology and style of research. The great physicists of the beginning of the 20th century—Einstein, Bohr, Mach, Boltzmann, Poincare, Schrodinger, Heisenberg—thought of theoretical physics as a philosophical endeavor. They were motivated by philosophical problems, and they often discussed their scientific problems in the light of a philosophical tradition in which they were at home. For them, calculations were secondary to a deepening of their conceptual understanding of nature.

After the success of quantum mechanics in the 1920s, this philosophical way of doing theoretical physics gradually lost out to a more pragmatic, hard-nosed style of research. This is not because all the philosophical problems were solved: to the contrary, quantum theory introduced new philosophical issues, and the resulting controversy has yet to be settled. But the fact that no amount of philosophical argument settled the debate about quantum theory went some way to discrediting the philosophical thinkers.

It was felt that while a philosophical approach may have been necessary to invent quantum theory and relativity, thereafter the need was for physicists who could work pragmatically, ignore the foundational problems, accept quantum mechanics as given, and go on to use it. Those who either had no misgivings about quantum theory or were able to put their misgivings to one side were able in the next decades to make many advances all over physics, chemistry, and astronomy.

The shift to a more pragmatic approach to physics was completed when the center of gravity of physics moved to the United States in the 1940s. Feynman, Dyson, Gell-Mann, and Oppenheimer were aware of the unsolved foundational problems, but they taught a style of research in which reflection on them had no place in research.

Physics in the 1970s

By the time I studied physics in the 1970s, the transition was complete. When we students raised questions about foundational issues, we were told that no one understood them, but it was not productive to think about that. “Shut up and calculate,” was the mantra. As a graduate student, I was told by my teachers that it was impossible to make a career working on problems in the foundations of physics. My mentors pointed out that there were no interesting new experiments in that area, whereas particle physics was driven by a continuous stream of new experimental discoveries. The one foundational issue that was barely tolerated, although discouraged, was quantum gravity.

This rejection of careful foundational thought extended to a disdain for mathematical rigor. Our uses of theories were based on rough-and-ready calculation tools and intuitive arguments. There was in fact good reason to believe that the standard model of particle physics is not mathematically consistent at a rigorous level. As a graduate student at Harvard, I was taught not to worry about this because the contact with experiment was more important. The fact that the predictions were confirmed meant that something was right, even if there might be holes in the mathematical and conceptual foundations, which someone would have to fix later.

The Disappearance of Contact with Experiment

In retrospect, it seems likely that this style of research, in which conceptual puzzles and issues of mathematical rigor were ignored, can only succeed if it is tightly coupled to experiment. When the contact with experiment disappeared in the 1980s, we were left with an unprecedented situation.

The string theories are understood, from a mathematical point of view, as badly as the older theories, and most of our reasoning about them is based on conjectures that remain unproven after many years, at any level of rigor. We do not even have a precise definition of the theory, either in terms of physical principles or mathematics. Nor do we have any reasonable hope to bring the theory into contact with experiment in the foreseeable future. We must ask how likely it is that this style of research can succeed at its goal of discovering new laws of nature.

It is difficult to find yourself in disagreement with the majority of your scientific community, let alone with several heroes and role models. But after a lot of thought I’ve come to the conclusion that the pragmatic style of research is failing. By 1980, we had probably gone as far as we could by following this pragmatic, antifoundational methodology.

If we have failed to solve the key problems of quantum gravity and unification in a way that connects to experiment, perhaps these problems cannot be solved using the style of research that we theoretical physicists have become accustomed to. Perhaps the problems of unification and quantum gravity are entangled with the foundational problems of quantum theory, as Roger Penrose and Gerard t’Hooft think. If they are right, thousands of theorists who ignore the foundational problems have been wasting their time.

Unification and Quantum Gravity

There are approaches to unification and quantum gravity that are more foundational. Several of them are characterized by a property we call background independence. This means that the geometry of space is contingent and dynamical; it provides no fixed background against which the laws of nature can be defined. General relativity is background-independent, but standard formulations of quantum theory—especially as applied to elementary particle physics—cannot be defined without the specification of a fixed background. For this reason, elementary particle physics has difficulty incorporating general relativity.

String theory grew out of elementary particle physics and, at least so far, has only been successfully defined on fixed backgrounds. Thus, the infinity of string theories which are known are each associated with a single space-time background.

Those theorists who feel that theories should be background-independent tend to be more philosophical, more in the tradition of Einstein. The pursuit of background-independent approaches to quantum gravity has been pursued by such philosophically sophisticated scientists as John Baez, Chris Isham, Fotini Markopoulou, Carlo Rovelli, and Raphael Sorkin, who are sometimes even invited to speak at philosophy conferences. This is not surprising, because the debate between those who think space has a fixed structure and those who think of it as a network of dynamical relationships goes back to the disputes between Newton and his contemporary, the philosopher Leibniz.

Meanwhile, many of those who continue to reject Einstein’s legacy and work with background-dependent theories are particle physicists who are carrying on the pragmatic, “shut-up-and calculate” legacy in which they were trained. If they hesitate to embrace the lesson of general relativity that space and time are dynamical, it may be because this is a shift that requires some amount of critical reflection in a more philosophical mode.

A Return to the Old Style of Research

Thus, I suspect that the crisis is a result of having ignored foundational issues. If this is true, the problems of quantum gravity and unification can only be solved by returning to the older style of research.

How well could this be expected to turn out? For the last 20 years or so, there has been a small resurgence of the foundational style of research. It has taken place mainly outside the United States, but it is beginning to flourish in a few centers in Europe, Canada, and elsewhere. This style has led to very impressive advances, such as the invention of the idea of the quantum computer. While this was suggested earlier by Feynman, the key step that catalyzed the field was made by David Deutsch, a very independent, foundational thinker living in Oxford.

For the last few years, experimental work on the foundations of quantum theory has been moving faster than experimental particle physics. And some leading experimentalists in this area, such as Anton Zeilinger, in Vienna, talk and write about their experimental programs in the context of the philosophical problems that motivate them.

Currently, there is a lot of optimism and excitement among the quantum gravity community about approaches that embrace the principle of background independence. One reason is that we have realized that some current experiments do test aspects of quantum gravity; some theories are already ruled out and others are to be tested by results expected soon.

Collective Phenomena

A notable feature of the background independent approaches to quantum gravity is that they suggest that particle physics, and even space-time itself, emerge as collective phenomena. This implies a reversal of the hierarchical way of looking at science, in which particle physics is the most “fundamental” and mechanisms by which complex and collective behavior emerge are less fundamental.

So, while the new foundational approaches are still pursued by a minority of theorists, the promise is quite substantial. We have in front of us two competing styles of research. One, which 30 years ago was the way to succeed, now finds itself in a crisis because it makes no experimental predictions, while another is developing healthily, and is producing experimentally testable hypotheses. If history and common sense are any guide, we should expect that science will progress faster if we invest more in research that keeps contact with experiment than in a style of research that seeks to amend the methodology of science to excuse the fact that it cannot make testable predictions about nature.

Also read: What Physics Tells Us About the World

References

1 Smolin, L. 1997. The Life of the Cosmos. Oxford University Press.

2 Weinberg, S. 2005. Living in the multiverse.

Further Reading

Smolin, L. 2006. The Trouble with Physics: The Rise of String Theory, the Fall of a Science, and What Comes Next. Houghton Mifflin, New York.

Woit, P. 2006. Not Even Wrong: The Failure of String Theory and the Search for Unity in Physical Law. Basic Books, New York.


About the Author

Lee Smolin is a theoretical physicist who has made important contributions to the search for quantum theory of gravity. He is a founding researcher at the Perimeter Institute for Theoretical Physics in Waterloo, Ontario. He is the author of Life of the Cosmos (Oxford, 1997), Three Roads to Quantum Gravity (Orion, 2001), and the forthcoming, The Trouble with Physics (Houghton Mifflin, 2006).

Aesthetically Pleasing Science to Hang in Living Room

A DSLR camera.

Who knew Scotch tape, yeast, and ferrofluid could look so cool?

Published January 1, 2006

By Adrienne J. Burke

Let’s get something straight right now. Felice Frankel is not an artist, and the collection of 30 strangely beautiful images hanging in the gallery at NYU’s Casa Italiana Zerilli-Marimo in Greenwich Village this month is not art. It’s science.

Any visitor to the “Felice Frankel: Visions of Science” exhibit would beg to differ, but the photographer herself, trained as a biologist, is insistent. “You might think this is art, but it’s pure science,” she says. “I’m revealing the beauty that’s already there.”

Science that’s aesthetically pleasing enough to hang in your living room? You bet. One image, for instance, is a Georgia O’Keeffe-esque black and white portrait of a yeast colony that looks more like a pansy in bloom (Yeast Flower). The only artistic license taken was a Photoshop removal of the underlying petri dish. Another captivating photo, taken with a digital camera and a 105 mm macro lens, is a drop of magnetite suspended in oil (Ferrofluid). Forced by magnets beneath a glass slide to separate into channels, with vibrant orange, yellow, blue, and green hues it resembles an aboriginal mask, or the inside of a pomegranate, depending on your point of view.

“Science is pretty gorgeous,” Frankel says. “I’m not doing anything unusual here.”

Carving Out a Nano-Niche

Well, that last point is debatable too. Frankel, who had a prolific career as a landscape photographer before returning at mid-life to her first love, the research laboratory, has carved out a unique niche for herself ever since her first scientific photograph graced the cover of Science in 1992.

Today she’s employed in MIT’s School of Science and is sought out by researchers worldwide to capture for publication images of their current projects. Among those whose research is represented in the Casa Italiana exhibit are scientists from Brandeis, Harvard, Lehigh University, MIT, University of California at Davis, University of Chicago, and Washington University.

In addition to Science, Frankel’s work has appeared in the journals and magazines NatureCellular BiologyDiscover, and Technology Review.

She has also published two books of scientific photography — On the Surface of Things: Images of the Extraordinary in Science, a collaborative effort with Harvard biochemist George Whitesides (Chronicle Books, 1997); and Envisioning Science: The Design and Craft of the Science Image (MIT Press, 2002) — and she is at work on a third, again with Whitesides, No Small Matter, to be published next year (Harvard University Press, 2007).

Frankel’s excitement about the science she’s illustrating is contagious. She’s made it her mission to help communicate and clarify science by visually representing the discoveries made through experimentation. “If these images encourage non-scientists to look at science in a different way, and to investigate and understand more about our world, then I will have been successful,” she says. As if to emphasize her point that this is not art, Frankel urges viewers to note the names and laboratories of the scientists whose work they’re witnessing.

High Tech Tools

To be sure, Frankel’s tools are not those of a typical photographer. She captures her often microscopic subjects with 105 mm macroscopic camera lenses, stereomicroscopes, optical microscopes, scanning electron micrographs, and flatbed scanners, not to mention glass slides and petri dishes.

In fact, many of her pieces technically can’t be called photography. Because photons or optical equipment won’t produce pictures of objects such as nanowires that are smaller than the wavelength of light, Frankel uses electrons to depict them in a digital image.

To capture the spectacular fiber-optic-like structural qualities of a 12-cm-long sea creature, Euplectella, Frankel placed the organism’s skeleton on her flatbed scanner.

A color-emphasizing microscopy technique resulted in a picture as pretty as a watercolor painting when Frankel used it to capture an adhesion experiment in which a piece of clear Scotch tape was pulled away from a plastic substrate under a microscope (Adhesion).

And to illustrate an experiment in which calcite crystals were nucleated on a patterned surface, Frankel manipulated the colors and tone of an image obtained via scanning electron micrograph (Joanna’s Calcite).

Unadulterated Science

Whether, or how much, such manipulation degrades the scientific integrity of the images is a question that Frankel and the scientists for whom she works frequently debate. “If the science is about the way the calcite is arranged, then I’m not doing anything wrong there, but we can argue that,” she says.

Even the seemingly benign Photoshop elimination of a petri dish can be controversial, Frankel says. Some scientists argue that the substrate should be visible so the viewer can see the scale. Others would permit that to be explained in a caption.

Frankel suggests that as technology for image making becomes more and more sophisticated, the scientific journals will need to publish separate methodologies for how images have been made. And she’s cautious about the pitfalls of ever more sophisticated imaging technologies. For instance, she says, viewing a scientific process in real time on film isn’t necessarily preferable to contemplating still images. “I wonder sometimes if we’re too engaged in animation. I think that there are certain moments we can get more out of if we reflect on one still image,” she says.

Visions of Science is on display through February 17 at the Casa Italiana Zerilli-Marimo, 24 W. 12th St. between Fifth and Sixth Aves. The US tour of the exhibit is presented by Italian biomedical imaging and diagnostics company, Bracco, which also sponsored a recent tour of Frankel’s work in Italy. From New York, Visions of Science will travel to Minneapolis.

Also read: An Academy Member’s Work in Prime Time

NEUROfest: Theater That Goes to Your Head

A vintage illustrated diagram of the human brain.

A month-long festival of plays, puppet shows, and operas that explore neurological disorders through performance.

Published January 1, 2006

By Adelle Caravanos

Early twentieth century representation of central nervous system pathways involved in aphasia. Made by Salomon Eberhard Henschen. Image courtesy of the Wellcome Collection via Wikimedia Commons. Licensed via Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license. No changes made.

Imagine waking up one morning and realizing that your parents have been replaced by imposters; or suddenly being unable to form a sentence; or experiencing the music of a saxophone as the color blue, instead of a melody.

And then imagine that it is all in your head.

Symptoms of those neurological disorders, Capgras Syndrome, aphasia and synesthesia, and numerous others are explored by the works of NEUROfest, a month-long theater festival featuring more than 20 performances, readings and seminars. Presented by the Untitled Theater Company #61, NEUROfest examines the ways the mind is both hampered and augmented by neurological conditions.

Edward Einhorn, NEUROfest‘s artistic director, says the goals of the festival are to raise awareness and understanding of these ailments, and to use the ideas and symptoms as metaphors for various human experiences.

“I started realizing how many writers have been attracted to this subject matter,” Einhorn said, citing the works of Oliver Sacks, A. R. Luria and others who have creatively explored neurological states. “That was part of the inspiration.”

Cognitive Creativity

To organize NEUROfest, Einhorn contacted artists who were working on similar projects, accepted submissions and searched for pieces that used the mechanisms of the brain to comment on the mysteries of the mind. The result is the first-ever theater festival dedicated to the central nervous system.

“I wanted to reach out to people who were doing different things in theater,” said Einhorn. The variety of disorders and their range of symptoms lent themselves to different theatrical styles and techniques. Hence, the festival includes an opera about autism (Tabula Rasa), a family musical about Tourette’s Syndrome, with main characters Blinky, Tick and Screamer (Welcome to Tourettaville), and a puppet show about Asperger’s Syndrome (The Boy Who Wanted to Be A Robot), among others.

Einhorn previously dabbled in the realm of psychological drama while working on a play inspired by the life of his grandfather, a hematologist and discoverer of the Rh factor. Einhorn’s own mother, his main source of historical data on his grandfather, had suffered a stroke and was experiencing symptoms of dementia as he interviewed her. The finished play, Doctors Jane and Alexander, deals with science history, and the ways that mental facilities deteriorate with age and disease.

There’s a Little Bit in Everyone

One of the most interesting things about neurological conditions, said Einhorn, is that “many of them appear to be exaggerations of other human behaviors.” As an example he cites two pieces, Strangers and Linguish, that deal with aphasia, which impairs the ability to comprehend language. Although clinical aphasia occurs after a brain injury or stroke, “we all sometimes find ourselves unable to find the right words” in a given situation, Einhorn said. Because of this, audience members can relate to the characters, allowing them a more empathetic approach to dealing with the disorder.

Although the public might be aware of most of the conditions that NEUROfest covers, Einhorn warns that there are many misconceptions about brain disorders. To correct them, the theater will host expert seminars about the various diseases after certain performances.

The Show Must Go On

NEUROfest will include a special performance of a play about the mental meltdown of a literature professor. But the real story of Cincinnati is behind the scenes. During rehearsals, lead actress Nancy Walsh suffered from a grand-mal seizure that alerted doctors to a brain tumor. The tumor was removed successfully, but for a period of time afterwards, Walsh suffered from a form of aphasia. While she could recite sentences and phrases that she had already memorized, she was unable to articulate new thoughts.

Amazingly, after her surgery, Walsh performed Cincinnati numerous times before she had completely recovered from the aphasia, repeating verbatim the words she had committed to memory before her seizure. On Monday, January 16th, Walsh will perform Cincinnati as part of NEUROfest, and afterwards, she will participate in a discussion with the doctor who treated her, about her remarkable experience.

NEUROfest will be held at Theater 5, located at 311 W. 43rd St., between Eighth & Ninth Avenues from January 5 to 29.

Also read: New Approaches to Tackling Neurodegenerative Disease

Genomic Montage: When Science Meets Art

A DNA helix with lettering in the background.

Photographer and artist Kevin Clarke’s first genomic montage, a self-portrait, resulted in a peer-reviewed publication in the journal ‘Clinical Chemistry.’

Published December 1, 2005

By Adrienne J. Burke

A DNA helix with lettering in the background.

Having once suffered a near-fatal bout with appendicitis in Yucatan, Clarke had the idea to represent himself by integrating a segment of his own genetic material into a photograph he had taken of the Day of the Dead celebration there. The Cooper Union-trained photographer asked scientists at Applied Biosystems, a biotech company in Foster City, Calif., if they could inexpensively derive a reading of his DNA from a blood sample.

The experiments they carried out at his request are described in the 1989 paper “Automated DNA sequencing methods involving polymerase chain reaction,” which introduced the method that was ultimately employed in labs around the world to decode the human genome.

At least one if its authors went on to become a multimillionaire by selling DNA sequencing machines. And Clarke went on to invent a uniquely 21st century method of photographic portraiture. Nine of Clarke’s portraits are now on exhibit in a solo show, Becoming Human, at the Sara Tecchia Roma New York gallery in Chelsea.

Faceless Portraits

Clarke, who lives in Tribeca and began his career as a fashion photographer featured in magazines such as Vanity Fair, is best known for his 1980’s picture book “The Red Couch, a Portrait of America” comprised of portraits of people across the US sitting on a velvet sofa. It was through that project that he got his first introduction to DNA: Scientist Paul Schimmel, now a chemical biology professor at Scripps Research Institute, posed on the red couch at MIT holding the picture of a nucleotide sequence that had appeared on the cover of Science.

Among Clarke’s other well-known subjects have been composer John Cage, artist Chuck Close, dancer Merce Cunningham, politician Al Sharpton, and scientist James Watson.

But you won’t see any famous faces on the walls at Sara Tecchia Roma. As with his self-portrait, Clarke leaves the subject’s visage out of the picture. Instead of taking the subject’s picture, he takes a tissue sample — by cheek swab or hair root. And he spends time getting to know the person. The artwork then, is a compilation of images of representative objects or scenes that convey a personality, overlaid with a lab-generated reading of their genome.

“Determines Self from Other”

For instance, Watson, who co-discovered the helical structure of DNA, is portrayed by a series of tall metal bookcases, labeled with a series of As, Cs, Gs, and Ts. The shelves, photographed in varying stages of erectness, appear to twist and collapse in a spiral. And the sequence of letters represents the order of nucleotides in the HLA-DQA-1 ß region of Watson’s own genome. The choice of genetic material is artistically deliberate: Known as the gene that recognizes viral DNA in the body, Clarke says it “determines self from other.”

To represent Steve Cannon, an East Village art dealer and gallery owner who lost his eyesight five years ago, Clarke photographed a nappy Velveteen Rabbit slouched on a quilt. The inverted image of the toy, known in a child’s tale to have come alive, is overlaid with Cannon’s genetic sequence, generated for Clarke in exchange for art by Seqwright, a Houston-based genomics company. The anthropomorphized stuffed animal conveys a sense of tactility and comfort, which Clarke says are characteristic of Cannon. Though the subject won’t be able to view his portrait, he can touch the object that was chosen to represent him.

In a study for a portrait he is currently working on of the artist Chuck Close, Clarke digitally ran strands of DNA through a stretched out Slinky. Clark says the circles made by the Slinky represent not only Close’s famous photorealistic style of portraiture that involves creating pixels by painting circles onto a grid, but also the dynamism, momentum and movement of the artist who is bound by a wheelchair.

Cozy Science

Gallery owner Sara Tecchia says that, although she didn’t choose Clarke’s work for its scientific qualities, she is pleased by the way the show is instigating discussions about science. “People view science as something far away and cool, but Kevin’s work makes it warm and more cozy,” she says. “A lot of people don’t even know what their DNA is, but here they see it as part of a puzzle.”

Tecchia says her gallery seeks to represent artists whose work encourages intellectual dialogue. Clarke’s art, she says, appeals perfectly to her desire to show artists who are doing something no one else is doing, either in subject matter or in process. “We all know that Kevin knows how to photograph a normal portrait. This approach is a very conscious decision. A risk.”

Clarke compares his process of creating a portrait to the art of heraldry: “In the way a coat of arms contains symbolism, I’m recognizing metaphors that correspond to something that these people have projected to me,” he says.

In fact, in the way a regal 14th century family might have commissioned a coat of arms, modern families of means have commissioned Clarke to create genetic portraits. Clarke charges between $12,000 and $15,000 for a commission, and the eight chromogenic prints on exhibit here are offered for sale for between $3,500 and $18,000. A smaller portrait of Watson, offset on paper, is priced at $350.

Becoming Human runs through January 14 at Sara Tecchia Roma New York, 529 West 20th Street, between Tenth and Eleventh Avenues.

Also read: Code to Commodity: Genetics and Art

Part of the Tribe: Race, Religion, and Nation

Two chess pieces facing each other to denote tension/hostility.

Scientists strive to understand the prevalence of “tribal” perceptions and feelings—about race, religion and nation.

Published November 18, 2005

By David Berreby

“These people will not assimilate here,” a resident of Baton Rouge recently told a reporter who asked about the flood of refugees from Hurricane Katrina. “They put up with the crime in New Orleans, and now it’s staring them in the face, but up here that’s not going to be tolerated. People are going to handle it individually if they have to. This is the South. We will take care of it.”

Familiar sentiments. But then, so are those of the New York City police inspector who, with some 300 other officers, left his comfortable routine to help total strangers in Louisiana. One reason, he said, was the way people from New Orleans had acted on September 11, 2001:

“They were there in the first 24 to 48 hours,” he said. “Not our request, they just came. They got on a bus and headed up. During 9/11 they were cooking gumbo and feeding us. So, when we got a request for Jefferson Parish, I think that is one of the reasons we came.”

Thinking “Tribally”

Both these men were thinking “tribally.” They spoke not of what “I” would do, but of what “we” would. And they did not talk about individual Joes and Janes from the Gulf Coast, but rather about “them.” Yet one man looked at strangers and saw a threat; another, looking at the same people, saw a debt.

What accounts for these perceptions? And, just as important, what explains their often unpredictable variation from person to person?

Researchers in neuroscience, evolutionary theory, anthropology, psychology, and sociology have been tackling this question. And they’ve found evidence that “tribal” perceptions and feelings—about race, religion and nation, as well as, in attenuated form, about the Yankees and college classmates and Star Trek—arise from a built-in mental faculty.

That may sound familiar, but the new view is not your grandfather’s theory of tribalism. Forget the zombie model of identity, which expects that all Muslims, or all women, or all Chinese people, must act in the same way, because of their membership in a category. Instead, recent work recognizes, as Lawrence A. Hirschfeld, a psychological anthropologist at New School University, has put it, that “anyone in any human society no matter how small scale, has a very large number of affiliations, allegiances and coalitions that can be invoked in anytime.”

The Rwanda Genocide

For example, one of the people convicted of war crimes in the aftermath of the Rwanda genocide was a Hutu nun, Sister Gertrude, who had called in a militia to massacre Tutsi refugees. She did not turn over her fellow nuns who were Tutsis. Had she been more of a Christian, and less of a Hutu militant, she would have not called in the murderers. Had she been less of a Christian, she would have let the Tutsi nuns perish too.

The important point is that all three choices—her own hideous compromise, or a more religious decision, or a more ethnically based one—were plausible. You could not have predicted her actions on the basis of “objective” facts about her identity. You would have had to know what was in her mind.

Nor is today’s model your father’s theory of “natural” drives to do evil. If we are not slaves of our identities, neither are we slaves of inflexible, unconscious instincts. Today’s research recognizes that human behavior is flexible and rooted in its context.

One American study found, for example, that people who receive pleasant news from an African-American physician are more likely to refer to him as “the doctor,” while those who hear that they have a problem are inclined to call him “the black guy.” And a thorough survey of mob violence around soccer matches in the Netherlands discovered that there is no “mob mentality” that takes over the minds of people in a riot. Except for a few violent brawlers, the people in those mobs behaved quite rationally.

“Like Us”

So when one person helps needy strangers, while another bars the door, we can’t explain their actions by positing a constant, unchanging, universal “fear of strangers,” or “crowd mentality,” or “death wish.”

If people aren’t the zombie slaves of our religions, genders, social classes, or other identities, nor bursting with automatic hate for anyone not “like us” (whatever “like us” means), then what’s really going on? How can people be simultaneously so flexible about identity and yet so steadfast—steadfast enough to die, or kill, for “our side?”

Much of the recent work on the problem has involved new techniques and technology: Careful experiments with toddlers, to see how they conceive of differences among social groups; MRI scans that show differences in how Americans perceive blacks and whites; blood tests that reveal how unhealthy it is to perceive yourself as a member of a supposedly “bad” kind.

Yet one of the most profound and revealing investigations of the problem, and one that informs work today in many fields, is not new. It was conducted more than 50 years ago, in the innocent precincts of a summer camp.

Making Tribes from Scratch

For 22 Oklahoma City fifth-graders in the summer of 1954, the offer must have sounded like a dream: Come spend three weeks in the Sans Bois mountains at a 200-acre campground with swimming holes, streams, canoes, baseball diamonds, campfires, caves, and snakes. Explore the woods where Jesse James’s gang hid out! Have cookouts! Play tug of war! Advance social psychology!

This last, not mentioned in the brochure, was why the University of Oklahoma picked up almost all the costs. The camp was actually an elaborate experiment. As the boys, all strangers, assembled their campfire universe, their counselors observed the birth, life, and death of tribal feelings.

This exercise was designed by Muzafer Sherif, a brilliant and eccentric social psychologist (and himself a refugee from identity-based violence—he had been nearly killed when Greek soldiers took his native Smyrna in 1919). He saw through the weakness of the zombie models, realizing that circumstance has a major role in our perceptions of where we and others belong on the map of human tribes. Circumstances can change, which is why racial politics in the United States today aren’t what they were in 1865. But circumstances often stay the same, which is why the same stereotypes can persist over generations.

Robbers Cave

To test this idea, Sherif needed to show that circumstances could create tribes, and tribal feeling—and then that a change in circumstances could change those perceptions. This was why he bused 22 boys from Oklahoma City schools to a campground in Robbers Cave State Park, in the Sans Bois mountains.

The boys arrived in two groups of 11 each, and each band had time to explore and claim some territory—a bunkhouse, a swimming hole, a ball field. Each gang soon decided it needed a name, and a symbol.

After supper on the sixth day of camp, after they’d stenciled their emblem on T-shirts, the first group, who now styled themselves “Rattlers,” learned they were not alone. They could hear other boys in the distance, playing on the ball field—boys who, also on their own, had invented folkways and given themselves a name: the Eagles.

The Rattlers and Eagles soon elaborated their differences. One boy’s impulse to jump in the creek with no suit made nude swimming the Eagle way. Another boy hurt his toe and didn’t mention it; that was enough to make “toughing it out” a Rattler custom. An hour or two with no swear words in the air was turned into the solemn belief that clean language was part of the essence of Eaglehood. Meanwhile, the Rattlers cursed a blue streak. That was the Rattler ethos, handed down, like Rattler emblems and Rattler songs, from the dawn of history (also known as the week before).

A Shared Goal

Once the boys had formed the tribes Sherif expected, he devoted week two of the camp to making them hate each other. This was, to put it mildly, not difficult. He simply set up a tournament of ball games, bean tosses, tug-of-war and other contests, with prizes for the team that won the most games.

Within a day or two, boys held their noses when they were near their enemies. They asked for separate but equal fireworks for the Fourth of July. On a written test to measure how their tribal feelings affected their perceptions, all the boys said their team tossed beanbags farther than they really had, while the other team covered less distance than it really had. One Rattler abruptly dropped his pencil in mid-test; he’d noticed it was Eagle brand.

The counselors had to keep a close eye on both cabins at night—both tribes went in for raids and counter-raids. And after the Eagles won the tournament, the Rattlers stole their prizes, and, in the ensuing confrontation, kids from both sides began punching each other and looking for rocks to throw. The experimenters had to step in to prevent real bloodshed.

At the beginning of week three, then, Sherif had an unlikely sounding task: to show that changing the circumstances of the boys’ lives would get them to drop the Rattler-Eagle divide.

Sherif’s method was to give the two warring cultures a shared goal, which demanded that they all perceive themselves as “in the same boat.” So he blocked the faucet leading from the camp’s one water tank. Both sides pitched in with tools and suggestions to unblock the spigot. Next came a movie. If the boys wanted to see Treasure Island, they would have to work out a way to pay for it.

Hostilities Diminished

After these challenges, hostility quickly diminished. For instance, the food fights gave way to a treaty. The two bands decided they would take turns going in to eat first—Rattlers for breakfast, Eagles for lunch, and so on.

Next, Sherif’s team took the groups on an overnight camping trip, and staged some more predicaments: a truck breakdown, food that needed to be unpacked and prepared, tents that arrived in a heap of canvas and poles that needed to be sorted. All these forced the boys to work on a common problem.

Then Sherif’s team staged another mechanical breakdown, so that only one truck was available to take the boys to the Arkansas state line, which they all wanted to see. This was a moment of truth. They could stay true to their Rattler and Eagle loyalties and make two separate 60-mile round trips. Or they could decide to go as one.

After a long debate, they chose to go as one group. On the way to Arkansas, the boys traded stories about the raids and fights, like veterans of a long-ago war. Slights and attacks that had made them furious before made them laugh and brag now. Then one boy started whistling. He chose a song bound to appeal past their Rattler and Eagle loyalties: “The Star Spangled Banner.”

Of course, most people don’t create tribal bonds from scratch. What might have happened if these white boys, who had been quick to use racial slurs, had found that half their new cabin mates were black? Sherif’s data could not speak to that. But someone else’s might.

Replicating the Robbers Cave Procedure

In 1963, Lutfy N. Diab, a dean and psychology professor at the American University in Beirut, tried to repeat the Robbers Cave procedure. He chose eight Christians and 10 Muslims. Not surprisingly, given the historic tensions between religious communities in Lebanon, fighting broke out between the two teams of campers, the Blue Ghosts and the Red Genies. After three Genies threatened a Ghost with knives stolen from the camp kitchen, Diab decided he had to break the camp up without reaching the reconciliation stage.

The striking fact about his camp, though, is that the fighting was not along religious lines. The Blue Ghosts consisted of five Muslims and four Christians; so did the Red Genies. The three Genies with the knives were all Christians, but so was their Blue Ghost victim. Fourteen of the 18 campers had come from fiercely religious schools, yet in the camp, separated from the outside world, when they could easily have chosen to see themselves as Christian versus Muslim, they chose instead Ghost versus Genie. It wasn’t what the boys were that governed; it was what they were doing.

As the zombie models of tribalism fade into history, researchers are elucidating the astonishing processes by which individual brains, which are constantly changing in response to their environments, somehow manage to create unchanging, long-lasting entities like nations, religions, races and other tribal groups. The new work depends a lot on recent technology and recent thinking. But it also owes a debt to Sherif and his pioneering summer camp.

Also read: Us and Them: How Human Minds Make Human Kinds

Reef Madness and the Meaning of Coral

Colorful fish swim among a coral reef in the Ocean.

While the nineteenth century’s greatest scientific debate was that over Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution, the century’s other great scientific debate, almost forgotten now, posed problems even more vexing than the species question did.

Published November 11, 2005

By David Dobbs

Image courtesy of Chonlasub via stock.adobe.com.

The Other Debate of Darwin’s day

Asked to name the 19th century’s major scientific squabble, most people will correctly name the row over Darwinism. Few recall the era’s other great debate—regarding the coral reef problem—even though it was nearly as fierce as that over the species problem. The reef debate saw many of the same philosophical issues contested by many of the same players. These included Charles Darwin, the naturalist Louis Agassiz, and Alexander Agassiz, an admirer of the former and the son of the latter. Their tangled struggle is one of the strangest tales in science.

The clash over Darwin’s species theory was partly one between empiricism, as represented by Darwin’s superbly documented Origin of Species, and the idealist or creationist natural science dominant before then. Louis Agassiz, the Swiss-born naturalist who became the leading light of American science after moving to the United States in 1846, offered a particularly seductive articulation of creationist theory. He held huge audiences spellbound as he explained how nature’s patterned complexity could only have sprung from a single, divine intelligence. A species, he said, was “a thought of God.” His elegant description made him a giant of American science, the director of Harvard’s new Museum of Comparative Zoology, and a man of almost unrivaled fame.

But the publication of Origin, in 1859, confronted Agassiz’s idealist creationism with an empirically robust naturalistic description of species origin. Though Agassiz opposed Darwin’s theory vigorously, his colleagues increasingly took Darwin’s view, and by 1870, Louis Agassiz was no longer taken seriously by his peers. He could hardly have fallen further.

A Son

Louis’s only son, Alexander, came of age watching this fall. Smart and careful as child and man—he began his scientific career as an assistant at the Museum of Comparative Zoology and would manage it after his father died—Alexander seemed determined to avoid his father’s excesses. Where Louis was profligate, Alexander was frugal. Where Louis was expansive and extroverted, Alex was reserved and liked to work in private. And where Louis favored a creationist theory based on speculation, Alex preferred the empirical approach established by Darwin.

By the age of 35, Alexander Agassiz had created a happy life. He loved his work at the museum, his wife and three children, and by investing in and for 18 months managing a copper mine in Michigan, he had made himself quite rich. Yet his luck changed in 1873. Louis, then 63, died of a stroke two weeks before Christmas. Ten days later, Alex’s wife, Anna Russell Agassiz, died of pneumonia.

Alexander Agassiz. Image via Wikimedia Commons

Wanderings and Reefs

Devastated by this double blow, Alex spent three years mostly traveling, mortally depressed. He felt able to “get back in harness,” as he put it, only when, in 1876, he engaged the coral reef problem. How did these great structures, built from the skeletons of animals that could grow only in shallow water, come to occupy platforms rising from the ocean’s depths? Naturalists had discerned in the early 1800s how corals grew, but the genesis of their underlying platforms remained obscure.

The prevailing explanation, first offered in 1837, held that coral reefs formed on subsiding islands. The coral first grew along shore, forming fringing reefs. As the island sank and lagoons opened between shore and reef, fringing reef became barrier reef. When the island sank out of sight, barrier reef became atoll. Thus this subsidence theory, as it was known, explained all main reef forms.

Alex, drawn to this problem by his friend Sir John Murray, a prominent Scottish oceanographer, thought the subsidence theory was just a pretty story. The theory rested on little other than the reef forms, while considerable evidence, such as the geology of many islands and most reef observations made during the mid-1800s, argued against it. Now Murray, who had just returned from a five-year oceanographic expedition aboard the HMS Challenger, told Alex of an alternative possibility. Murray had discovered that enough plankton floated in tropical waters to create a rain of planktonic debris that, given geologic time, could raise many submarine mountains up to shallows where coral reefs could form.

Alex immediately liked this idea, for it rose from close observation rather than conceptual speculation and relied on known rather than conjectural forces. Inspired for the first time since his wife’s death three years before, he began designing an extensive field research program to prove it.

There was only one problem: the person who had authored the subsidence theory was Charles Darwin.

Thirty Years of Fieldwork

Darwin had posited the subsidence theory as soon as he returned from the Beagle voyage in 1837. Like his evolution theory, it was a brilliant synthesis that explained many forms as the result of incremental change. But it did not rest on the sort of careful, methodical accumulation of evidence that underlay his evolutionary theory. Darwin conceived it before he ever saw a coral reef and published it when he’d seen only a few.

Yet the theory explained so much that it had launched Darwin’s career. Since then, of course, Darwin had developed his evolution theory, destroyed Louis’s career, and become the most renowned and powerful man in science. Alex knew he was courting trouble when he decided to champion an alternate theory. But he couldn’t resist such an enticing problem. And he firmly believed that Darwin had muffed it.

Alex spent much of the next 30 years collecting evidence. He developed a complicated and nuanced theory holding that different forces, primarily a Murray-esque accrual, erosion, some uplift, and occasionally some subsidence, combined in different ways to create the world’s different reef formations. He found evidence in every major reef formation on the globe. And so as the century ended, an Agassiz again faced Darwin (or Darwin’s legacy, for Darwin had died in 1882). Only this time the Agassiz held the empirical evidence and Darwin the pretty story.

Yet Alex hesitated to publish, even after he completed his fieldwork in 1903. Every year, Murray would ask Alex about the reef book. Every year Alex would say the latest draft hadn’t worked, but that he had found a better approach and would soon finish.

The last time he told Murray this was in 1910, when they met in London before Alex sailed home to the U.S. after a winter in Paris. On the fifth night out of Southampton, he died in his sleep. Murray, hearing the news by cable a couple days later, was much aggrieved—and stunned to hear what followed. A thorough search had found no sign of the coral reef book. It was, Alexander’s son George later wrote, “an excellent example of his habit of carrying his work in his head until the last minute.”

One Irony Among Many

The coral reef debate didn’t end until 1951, when U.S. government geologists surveying Eniwetok, a Marshall Islands atoll, prior to a hydrogen bomb test there, finally drilled deep enough to resolve the mystery. If Darwin was right about reefs accumulating atop their sinking foundations, the drill should pass through at least several hundred feet of coral before hitting the original underlying basalt. If Agassiz was right, the drill would go through a relatively thin veneer of coral before hitting basalt or marine limestone.

It speaks of the power of Alexander’s work that the reef expert directing the drilling, Harry Ladd, expected to prove Agassiz right. But the power of Darwin’s work was such that as the drill spun deep, it passed through not a few dozen or even a few hundred feet, but through some 4,200 feet of coral before striking basalt. Darwin was right, Agassiz wrong.

How did Alex miss this? In retrospect, geologists can identify various observational mistakes Alexander made. But Alex’s bigger problem was his singular place in the profound changes science underwent in the 1800s. Natural science in particular was struggling to define an empirical theoretical method. Alex played by the rules that most scientists, including Darwin, swore to: a Baconian inductivism that built theory atop accrued stacks of observed facts.

In reality, most scientists come to their theories through deductive leaps, then try to prove them by amassing evidence. A theory’s value rests not on its genesis, but on its proof. Today this is accepted and indeed codified as the “hypothetico-deductive method,” and its resulting theories are considered empirical as long as their proof lies in replicable evidence. But in Alex’s day, when pretty stories built on leaps of imagination spoke of reactionary creationism rather than creative empiricism, such theorizing was called speculation, and it was a four-letter word.

Alexander Agassiz was keenly sensitive to the dangers of such work. Yet his singular position fated him to take up a question that not only lay beyond the tools of his time, but which trapped him in the era’s most confounding difficulties of method and philosophy. He sought a solution that belonged to another age.

About the Author

David Dobbs is author of Reef Madness: Charles Darwin, Alexander Agassiz, and the Meaning of Coral, from which this lecture is drawn. You can find more of his work at daviddobbs.net.

A Satirical and Skeptical Take on Current News

A man poses for the camera.

Author and physicist Bob Park takes intelligent design, homeopathic medicine, and conspiracy theorists to task.

Published November 1, 2005

By Adrienne J. Burke

Bob Park. Image via Wikimedia Commons.

There’s a sardonic sort of disclaimer on the weekly science news website, What’s New by Bob Park: “Opinions are the author’s and are not necessarily shared by the University, but they should be.”

Park, past chair of the University of Maryland physics department and director of the DC office of the American Physical Society, bills his online opinion page as a “satirical and skeptical take on current news.” He’s devoted to “helping the public distinguish genuine scientific advances from foolish and fraudulent claims.”

Park is a frequent contributor to the New York Times op-ed page and the Washington Post science section, and in 2000 he authored the book “Voodoo Science: the Road from Foolishness to Fraud.”

On Halloween night, he spoke at the CUNY Graduate Center about the spooky ways science is twisted to support unscientific ideas such as intelligent design.” The event was hosted by the Center’s Science & the Arts Series. Noting that “there is no claim so preposterous that a person with a PhD cannot be found to vouch for it,” Park offered these seven warning signs you should heed in order to avoid being hoodwinked by voodoo science.

1. A discovery is pitched directly to the public.

“The integrity of science rests on the willingness of scientists to expose new ideas” for review by the scientific community, Park says. When so-called scientists announce their work in a press release, as did the Raelians when they supposedly cloned a human, Park says the public should smell fraud.

2. A “powerful establishment” is said to be suppressing the discovery.

Park recalls that in the 1970s an inventor named Sam Lynch claimed to have invented a car that ran on water. Lynch held that the powerful oil industry stood in the way. “The establishment will presumably stop at nothing to suppress discoveries that might shift the balance of wealth,” Park says. But in fact, the science behind Lynch’s invention couldn’t be substantiated. It violated the first law of thermodynamics.

3. An effect is always at the very limit of detection.

Ever noticed that no one has ever captured a really clear picture of a UFO or the Loch Ness monster? Park says to be leery of photographic evidence that shows nothing in the background to let you judge dimensions. The “effect” in “intelligent design” is interesting, Park says.

Proponents of intelligent design claim that things are so complicated in life that it couldn’t have possibly have happened by chance. “How do they know that?” Park asks. “We couldn’t have explained much of anything 100 years ago, and 200 years ago almost nothing. In fact, Richard Dawkins says it’s time these guys got off their butts and start doing some work. It’s hard work to find out how these things happen.”

4. Evidence for a discovery is anecdotal.

“If modern science has learned anything in the last 100 years,” Park says, “it’s to distrust anecdotal evidence.” The most important discovery of modern medicine, he argues, is not vaccines or antibiotics, he says, but double-blind testing.

Park cites Echinacea as an example of a cure lacking anything more than anecdotal support. Early settlers in the U.S. adopted the use of Echinacea to cure colds from Native Americans. But in was only a year ago that a study finally showed that Echinacea doesn’t live up to the claims. What took so long? “What scientist is going to build a career by finding out that some ancient Native American cure doesn’t work?” Park asks.

5. A belief is said to be credible because it has endured for centuries.

Park points to homeopathic medicine — a practice that he says relies on significantly diluted doses of substances that are said to cause the same symptoms they’re being prescribed to cure — as an example of voodoo science that has endured.

More than 100 years after Avogadro’s number showed that no molecules of the prescribed substance could possibly remain at such dilution levels, Park says homeopaths use the same dilutions that Sam Hahnemann prescribed in the 18th century. For instance, the homeopathic flu medicine oscillicoccinum is sold with the dilution of “200c” printed on the box. That’s 10 to the 400th. There’s no possibility that even one molecule has survived. It exceeds the dilution limit of the universe, and it’s sold for $12 for a two-day supply. “The whole thing is preposterous,” Park says. “People are being deceived everywhere.”

6. An important discovery is made in isolation.

“This is great for Hollywood movies…but that isn’t the way science works,” Park says. Science is open, he argues. “If I think I’ve found something out, the first thing I’m going to do is go talk to my colleagues…If it passes the giggle test there, I’ll probably give it at a scientific conference, and if it passes that [test], I’ll send it off to anonymous referees who would like nothing better than to pick my work apart…because that’s the way we make sure things are right.

A discovery made in isolation is one of those things you want to worry about, Park says. Progress is made by a community of scientists.

7. New laws of nature must be proposed to explain an observation.

Pointing to a picture of the Grand Canyon, which intelligent design advocates believe was cut by Noah’s flood 6,000 years ago, Park notes that there are numerous scientific ways to find the age of the Grand Canyon. “The easiest is to go down and take a glass full of water out of the river and let the sand sit and make a calculation of how much sand is being carried by the turbulence of the water. Or you can do radioactive dating or all kinds of things that all come out with just about the same answer.” To prove the intelligent design argument, he says, “You’d have to come up with a new law of nature.”

“Coming up with a new law of nature is not a trivial thing,” says Park. “If somebody claims to have found a new law, he’s probably wrong. But if he’s also working in isolation and these other warning signs are there, you’d be a fool to believe him!”

Also read: Deepfakes and Democracy in the Digital Age